While the initial decision to play ’Zombie’ was likely driven by Dolores O’Riordan happening to come from Limerick, its disproportionate praise from the Irish media reflects the bad politics the track espouses. The song is seeped in what can only be described as Sindo Mindset, reflecting an intentional ignorance of the Nationalist community that was actively cultivated within the twenty-six county state. The underlying causes of the Troubles and Irish Revolution are shoddily airbrushed out of existence, instead being replaced by the vague platitudes that arose from Section 31. Violence is solely perpetrated by zombified natives singing the “same old theme since 1916”, with outrage only arising when the civilised English are on the receiving end.

Rather than actually understanding the causes that lead to the tragedies of the Troubles (or even acknowledging the colonial violence inherent to British occupation), ’Zombie’ solely provides us with an active denial of its existence. While O’Riordan’s call of “it’s not me, it’s not my family” may be genuine, it does very little beyond parroting the ’Ulsterisation, Normalisation, and Criminalisation’ approach of the British state. ’Zombie’ cuts deep for the Irish commentariat as it reflects the fundamental division of humanity necessary for colonial occupation to function, with the barbarous natives being depicted as inhuman monsters. The song depicts and reflects an active denial of the values that drove the Irish Revolution, the notion of an Ireland separate from empire, and the political agency of the masses. There’s a reason why we hear more about this song than ’Dreams’, even if both songs are fairly shite at riling up stadium crowds.

Irish supporters Cranberries ZOMBIE 23 09 23 rugby world cup - after Ireland vs South Africa 🍀🍀🍀 - YouTube

The cyclical nature of each media circus becomes abundantly clear once I start listing all the times I’ve tried writing this paragraph. I originally intended on writing this essay in response to the Spice Bag controversy, with an art piece depicting the Gardaí overseeing an eviction drawing the ire of the ruling class. My inability to finish anything necessitated changing tracks and instead covering the controversy around the Wolf Tones performing at Electric Picnic, with yet another outrage cycle passing me by. My extended procrastionation has yet to be punished on account of how interchangable each outrage cycle has been, with the Irish media being in a perpetual state of feigned outrage towards the supposed Sinn Féiner masses. We’re stuck hitting the same wall over and over, finding out all the words that can be used to be indignant.

Rather than driving myself insane, I’ve decided to try and focus on the lines of continuity between each circus. One of these main lines is a fundamental cynicism and faux-contrarianism, with a low view of the masses being matched with the energy of a disappointed substitute teacher’s lecture. Fintan O’Toole’s infamous ’Up the Ra’ article ,serving as an inherently masturbatory piece of writing. Rather than trying to contribute anything of note, O’Toole’s piece exists to make its audience feel superior to the ’rabble’, letting readers feel civilised in comparison to the dumb Shinners. Commentators basked at the thought of this piece being in some way counter-cultural, pretending to be brave for reinforcing the status quo. A similar trend can be seen around the Spice Bag controversy, with the implication that the Gardaí uphold immoral acts being seen as worse than the actual acts themselves.

This cynicism extends itself to discussions of reunification, with the commentariat often presenting itself as speaking on behalf of others. Tying in with the urge to be contrarian, writers often claim to stand for the oppressed Unionists in the six counties, with this group coincidentally pushing the exact values the authors hold. Rather than discussing the actual chances of a Border Poll being called under Sunak or Starmer, the Irish press uses its supposed imminence to argue for the further disintegration of Irish identity. In lieu of accepting Sinn Féin’s gradual lurch towards the establishment, the press instead depict them as a fundamental threat. We’re somehow lead to believe that the sacrifice of our flag, national anthem, or language will somehow convince the masses to vote for unity - with the media’s past disdain for all three being conveniently ignored. The same figures that compared Irish speakers to Neo-Nazis or claimed that the Tricolour only became acceptable during Italia 90 now present themselves as realists, claiming that both are an obstacle to unity. Instead of continuing to admit these opinions outright, our ruling class now launder them through a cynical depiction of working class Unionists.

This constant faux-outrage is the result of fear, with the cause of this fear being essential to enacting positive change in this country. Our press are so haunted by the spectre of Sinn Féin and Republicanism as both have become associated with the democratic and populist politics that have drawn our working class into taking action - no small feat considering how thoroughly Sinn Féin have rejected their past radicalism. This fear stems back to the Revolution, with mass participation from the ’rabble’ being key to any of its success. I’m reminded here of Declan Kiberd’s description of the initial Gaelic Revival as “one of the earliest examples of a Worker’s Education Movement”, with the masses being mobilised through culture to retake what was theirs. While the Revival, Revolution, and Republican Movement had their flaws, our ruling class instinctively know that working class people organising themselves will end badly for them. Incidents such as Jobstown are so traumatising for the worst RTÉ panellists as they pave the way for something new.

In her contribution to ’Saol Corrach: Éire i mbun réabhlóide’, Róisín Ní Ghairbhí noted the extent to which the Irish Revolution benefited from the past occupation of public spaces by Revivalists. By physically seizing public spaces and involving the masses in cultural work, those around the Revival were able to widen the public’s imagination - creating the notion that these spaces belong to the masses. While most people in this country know something is wrong when it comes to our ruling class, a lack of such efforts has meant that this energy has no real direction. This lack of direction has been aided by Sinn Féin’s rightward lurch, with the party lagging behind on water charges, dropping opposition to the Special Criminal Court, and taking a lukewarm approach towards the Cost of Living Crisis. In the absence of mass politics, people essentially just find themselves winding the commentariat up - voting Sinn Féin out of spite and pushing ’Celtic Symphony’ up the charts. While it may be fun to extend a middle finger to the worst ghouls in the country, the fact we’ve been reduced to it points to a wider crisis in working-class consciousness.

Odrán de Bhaldraithe ends his excellent ’Neglect in the North of Ireland’ with the claim that “what the North now suffers from most is the neglect of revolutionary activity”. It often feels as if these constant cycles of outrage stem from a nationwide neglect of mass politics - with there being a desperate need for a bridge between acts of cultural rebellion and mass political mobilisation. We need to engage with and learn from the best aspects of previous struggles, looking back at past wins such as the campaign against water charges. Rather than sitting by and laughing as our ruling class self-flagellate, we need to build towards demonstrations such as October’s Housing and Cost of Living protest. If we want to stop hearing the smug claim that our struggles only exist in our heads, we need to bring them back to the streets. If anything, just to spite the Sunday Independent.